Account of the attempt to form a settlement in 1823, on the Mosquito Shore

 

By James Douglas

 

[Originally published by the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec in Transactions, New Series, No. 5 (1867)]

 

On my return from India, in the fall of 1822, I received an appointment as Assistant Surgeon in the Bengal Presidency. While in London, awaiting the departure of a vessel for Calcutta, I filled up my spare time by attending the Practice and Lectures of Sir Astley Cooper, in Guy and St. Thomas' Hospitals. One day, while awaiting the opening of the lecture room, and amusing myself by reading on the walls of the hall the notices of boarding-houses, fencing and drawing masters, &c, I was attracted by an open letter addressed to Sir Astley Cooper by the Secretary to the Government of Poyais, requesting him to recommend a well-qualified surgeon to accompany a party of settlers to the Mosquito Shore.

 

I at once proceeded to the Office of the Government, No. 1, Dowgate Hill, where I found three or four portly-looking gentlemen, directors, to whom I introduced myself. Finding that I had just come from India and was about to return with a permanent appointment, I received a hearty welcome ; and after some discussion and hesitation on my part, I agreed to give up India and proceed to the Mosquito Shore. My engagement comprised a salary of £1 per diem, a furnished house, servant, horse, medicines, &c.

 

A great difference of opinion existed, and still exists, as to the objects, the end, aim and management of the Poyais scheme. As far as I could learn at the time, and have since learnt, the conduct of the directors was perfectly in good faith, and their objects perfectly legitimate. They signally failed from ignorance and from causes which will be readily recognized as I proceed. I may, however, now explain the origin and objects of an expedition which involved so serious a sacrifice of property, and so fearful a loss of life. The Spanish provinces at this time had declared their independence, and were at war with old Spain. Bolivar and Sir Gregor MacGregor had failed in an attack on Carthagena, and had escaped with great difficulty, Sir Gregor having succeeded in reaching Cape Gracios a Dios, where he remained sometime with George Frederick, the King of the Mosquito nation. At this lime, the Mosquito Shore was under the protection of Great Britain ; and the King had been brought up, educated and crowned in Jamaica, under the care of the Duke of Manchester, the Governor of the British West India Islands. While at Cape Gracios a Dios, Sir Gregor obtained from the Mosquito King a grant of land on the coast, for purposes of settlement ; but being without money or influence, he sold his rights to some merchants in London for £16,000. They organized a company for the purpose of settling the land, but principally, as I was informed, for the purpose of supplying British dry goods to the revolted provinces.

 

However, after my agreement with the Directors, and laying in the requisite medical stores, &c, I embarked at Gravesend, on 22nd November, in a vessel called the " Honduras Packet," Hitchcock, master. I found my fellow-passengers in the cabin to be composed of Col. Hall, the commandant, who was about 60 years of age, and had been most of his life in India; Mr. Westcott, secretary; Mr. Googer, commissary ; and myself, surgeon. In the fore-cabin were 27 young men, some of them holding situations, and some going out as settlers. Three of the latter were married. In the steerage were 46 men and women, and a very few children. The captain and owner of the vessel was an old master in the navy—a lying, blustering, but on the whole a good-natured man. After an average passage, we arrived at St. Thomas, where we remained 14 days. I was delighted with St. Thomas. The inhabitants, principally Danes and French, were extremely pleasant and hospitable. Slavery existed, but apparently only in name ; the negroes on the plantations seemed to be a most happy and jolly race, apparently always on the grin.

 

On 21st January, anchored in Port Royal, Jamaica, where we found four ships of war under command of Admiral Rowley, and three piratical vessels, which had been lately captured. I spent a fortnight very pleasantly in Kingston, where I met some old school-fellows, who did all in their power to dissuade me from going on the Spanish main. They represented in vain, but as I afterwards found out, very truly, the unhealthiness of the climate, the want of the ordinary necessaries of life, the dangerous character of the natives, and the difficulty of getting away again, should I desire to do so. During my stay in Jamaica, I attended the trial of a band of pirates before the Admiralty Court. I could not recognise the magnificent specimen of a leader so graphically described by Tom Cringle in his famous log. Whether I was prejudiced by the idea I entertained of their profession, and the stories current of their wanton cruelties, I know not : I thought them the most savage, blood-thirsty, repulsive-looking wretches I had ever seen. They were of all colors, North and South Americans, British, Negroes and Mulattoes. When passing Port Royal Point on my departure, I saw twenty-one of the gang hanging in chains.

 

In February, 1823, we arrived on the Mosquito Shore, and about noon anchored off the mouth of the Black River. A number of the natives, accompanied by a half-caste American, came off to us in a large canoe, called a dory. They obstinately resisted Col. Hall's wish to go on shore with them. During the discussion, one of the natives called to the party in the cabin, who immediately rose and proceeded to leave the ship, in spite of our entreaties to them to remain': the leader remarked that it was getting late in the day, that the Bar at the mouth of the River must be crossed before dark, &c, &c, go he would, and go he did, in what seemed to us to be in-unnecessary haste. About half an hour after the departure of the party, the water being calm, I was fishing over the stern of the vessel, when a cat's-paw crept over the water. In a few minutes it increased to a hurricane. The iron cable snapped, and before sail could be got on the ship, I could count the stones on the beach. The hurricane continued all night, which was very dark, and although cold and wet, every one remained on deck, listening to the surf beating on the shore, and expecting every moment the vessel to strike. At day-light we found ourselves about half a mile from the shore : the sky was clear, but the hurricane still continued. At 3 p.m., the ship had got more of an offing, and we then bore away for the Island of Bonacca, which we reached next day in the afternoon.

 

The Harbour of Bonacca is landlocked by seven rocky islands, or keys, as they are called. These islets are covered with cocoa-nut trees. Bonacca Island itself is about four or five miles in diameter, but without any inhabitants. We found numbers of wild pigs and coneys, and abundance of wildfowl. We remained on the Island ten days, ostensibly, until the damage to the sails and rigging was repaired. During this time, several of the passengers were laid up with sore feet, from the deposit of the eggs of the chigoe under the skin, in consequence of going without shoes or stockings.

 

On again reaching the roadstead off the mouth of the Black River, the half-caste American and the natives shewed, or pretended to shew great surprise at seeing us, supposing we had been driven on shore, or had foundered in the hurricane. We reproached them for not warning us of its approach, and for evidently wishing the loss of the vessel and of all on board. Being late in the afternoon, we deferred going on shore until the next day.

 

The next morning, accordingly, we disembarked in large canoes. We found a tremendous surf on the bar which ran across the mouth of the river, about half a mile from the shore. We, however, were all landed safely, with the exception of a few of the men who remained to assist in getting out the cargo. We looked in vain for the church and the houses which we had been led to believe existed. The unbroken forest reached down to the water's edge. The tents having been left on board, we were fain to make fires of the driftwood and sleep on the beach.

Next morning, guided by the Indians, we selected a site for the settlement on the bank of a lagoon, about two miles from the mouth of the Black River, or Rio Tinto of the Spaniards ; and as there was not a clear space sufficient to enable us to pitch tents, all hands were soon busy in removing the trees and brushwood. We succeeded in clearing a patch, and the next day got eight tents on shore and the most of the private baggage. Many of the people finding the tents too hot and oppressive under a tropical sun, erected wigwams, covered with spare sheets, blankets and leafy branches of trees.

 

On the following day, while still busy clearing the banks of the lagoon, we were visited by a party of Caribs, the remains of the aborigines of the W. I. Islands. These people at the beginning of the century were confined to the Island of St. Vincent, and being irreclaimable and very troublesome, were finally captured by the British government, and landed on the main land, south of Truxillo, and just beyond the borders of the Mosquito Kingdom. I found them a fine manly race, with the peculiar artificial form of skull, and in intellect and disposition, much superior to the Mosquito men. I engaged a band of five of them to build me a house, which they did remarkably well, and in a remarkably short space of time. They sunk corner posts of the pitch pine, leaving about twelve feet over the ground, and smaller posts for doors, windows and cross ties ; the whole was then walled in with wild sugar cane, and thickly thatched with the leaves of the palm tree. The doors and windows were of cane, and were swung from the lintels. My Carib friends and I maintained a very good understanding during my stay on the coast. They supplied me with game, fish, and fruit, in return for bleeding them, an operation of which they were very fond, and were never tired. However, to return to our daily routine. On the 4th day, got two puncheons of rum on shore, and several casks of pork, beef, and flour.

 

The next forenoon I was alarmed by seeing the ship in the offing set sail, and steer to the southward, taking away our arms, spirits, merchandise, medicines, and five of the settlers.

Capt. Hitchcock sent word by the Indians who were employed in discharging and landing the cargo, that fearing another Norther, he would stay no longer, and would not return ; but

would land the remainder of the goods at Cape Gracios a Dios. This was a terrible blow and great discouragement, but a few hours convinced us of the wisdom and necessity of Capt. Hitchcock's decision, as during the latter part of the same day the Norther did set in, and blew with such violence as to level the huts, and carry away the tents. My cane house not being finished, my own tent, though well pegged down, was blown away, and in the night I was left exposed to the storm, and to such a deluge of rain as is only experienced in the tropics. The next morning, the condition of the people was piteous in the extreme, and more easily to be imagined than described. The weather, however, though still windy, was fine. The Indians kept us liberally supplied with peccary, venison, fish and fruit, in exchange for rum, powder,

and shot. In the afternoon I took possession of my house and felt prouder than under other circumstances to have owned the best house in Finsbury Square. I bought a small

canoe of mahogany wood, which I could easily paddle by myself, and what with improving my house, shooting, fishing, reading, and my slight professional duties. I passed my time most pleasantly for several weeks. This, however, was not destined to last longer ; in March the rum was expended, and from some cause unknown, the Indians disappeared. About the same time several cases of bilious remittent fever occurred. I had nothing but my lancets and a phial of emetic tartar. I could say like the lines of the celebrated Dr. John Lettsom :

 

" When patients sick to me apply,

I physics, bleeds, and swuats them ;            •

If, after that, they choose to die, What's that to me ? "—J. LETTSOM.

 

However, at this period none of my patients died ; the bilious remittent changing into an obstinate intermittent.

 

At the end of March, had ten cases of fever, of more than the ordinary intensity. To add to our distress, the supply of tea, sugar, biscuit, flour, and spirits, was exhausted ; nothing but salt beef and the uncertain and irregular supply of fish and game. At this time, some Indians came from Cape Gracios a Dios, and told us that a large ship was laying there, with plenty of rum. Knowing it to be the Honduras Packet, Col. Hall immediately set off in a dory with two of the settlers and eleven Indians.

 

Three days afterwards, a large ship anchored off the Bar ; she proved to be the Kennesly Castle from Leith, with 160 settlers. During the few following days, they were all safely landed with their luggage ; the vessel, however, brought no provisions for the colony ; all that was obtained were the surplus stores, laid in for passengers on the voyage. A gentleman named Smith, was attached to the Kennesly Castle as surgeon, With the ship the natives reappeared, and assisted in landing the passengers and their goods ; for some unexplained reason or cause, they would not, however, hunt or fish for us.

 

On 11th April, my earthly career nearly closed. Being desirous to go on board the ship in the offing, I started in a dory with Dr. Smith and three men to paddle ; on reaching the surf we found five rows of breakers, and passed two without difficulty ; a panic then seized the men, who ceased to paddle, and insisted on returning. The result was that the dory lost way, and the next breaker left us struggling in the water. We were about half a mile from shore. Two of the men were good swimmers ; Dr. Smith, however, got hold of one of them, and was only induced to relinquish his hold by blows of a paddle from the other. I then succeeded in getting Dr. Smith within reach of the dory, and instructed him how to hold on to its extreme end. A party of Indians on the Point, seeing our mishap, launched their canoe, and picked up the two swimmers, nearly exhausted. After landing them, they returned to our assistance, and taking off Dr. Smith and the third man, they paddled out of the surf, where leaving one Indian to take them on shore, the other two came to my assistance. They first righted the dory and then cleared it of the water by see-sawing it until the most of the water was splashed out. They then got it out of the surf, leaving me still holding on to the stern until in smooth water. The two men first picked up, were little the worse ; Dr. Smith was very ill for a couple of days ; the third man never rallied, and died in about three hours. On the 15th, the Kennesly Castle sailed, the sickness on shore increased, a great deal of rain fell, and as the people were not sheltered from it, they suffered greatly. The atmosphere became thick, sultry and oppressive ; the type of the fever changed, and on this day one young man died. The few medicines I had procured from the Kennesly Castle were soon exhausted.

 

25th,—Of 220 individuals all were sick, with the exception of nine. One family of seven persons—father, mother, and five sons—were all ill : they Jay on the ground on cane leaves. On visiting them this evening, found the mother had been dead some hours, without the knowledge of the others.

 

26th.—To-day, three of the men, while crossing the lagoon in front of my house, in a pitpan, upset. One of the party, a good swimmer, struck out for the shore : he had only proceeded a few yards when he shrieked out and suddenly sank. He had evidently been seized by one of the alligators, which were numerous in the lagoons. Alligator was shot the next day.

 

27th.—To-day, a highly respectable and very worthy man committed suicide. He had been ill, but was recovering, though still unable to rise. He insisted that he was going to die, and wished me to take charge of his little property, and of a letter to his wife. Last evening, I had given him a little wine ; this morning, when on my way to visit him, I heard a shot fired, and on entering his hut, found that he had loaded a horse-pistol to the muzzle, and had literally blown himself to pieces. Not being able to get any one to dig a grave, I collected some brushwood, which I piled in his hut, and set fire to it. To-day, five men and a woman took a large dory, got safely through the surf, and off to the northward.

 

28th.—The two young men who had been upset with me in the surf, and another, left the settlement with some Indians who were going to Balize.

 

May 1st.—Another man died. To-day, Col. Hall returned, bringing some of the medical and other stores with him. He had found the Honduras Packet at the Cape, but could not induce the master to return to the settlement. He announced an intended visit of the King.

6th.—Every one sick and helpless, excepting Colonel Hall, myself, and a rascal named McGregor. Colonel Hall and myself took some of the sick into our houses, and attended them as well as we were able.

 

7th.—To-day, George Frederick, the King of the Mosquito Nation, arrived, accompanied by several of his Chiefs, or Ministers. His arrival was a perfect God-send to us, as he caused his people to hunt and fish for us. He was a tall and handsome-looking man, but a most debauched character. He drank excessively, swore a good deal, and was excessively fond of playing at " all-fours." He spoke and read English remarkably well. One of his staff, a hale old man, had been in Jamaica with the King, during his minority, and until his coronation. He was very communicative, and gave me a good deal of information on the history of the Mosquito Shore. I will never forget the diabolical glee with which he gave me an account of the final destruction of the Spanish settlement, upwards of thirty years before, and in which he had taken a part. He said that on a dark night the Indians had surrounded the entire place, and, while the inhabitants were asleep, had set fire to the buildings, and massacred every soul—men, women and children. Not one escaped. He told me that my hut was erected on the site of the hospital : this accounted for my having found some square tiles and a lot of broken glass, when levelling my floors. He pointed out the site of the chapel, or church, and took me to see the house of the Governor. We cut our way through the brush with our machetes, and found the remains of what had been a good stone house. Most of the first story, if it ever had more than one, was still standing, but closely embraced by the trees, shrubs, and creeping plants, with which it was almost quite hidden. Upon the whole, I was pleased with what I had seen, which satisfied me that the frontispiece to Colonel Strangeway's book was not purely mythical : it shewed some good-looking buildings surrounding a church with a respectable steeple. I suspect the veracious Colonel had taken his view from some old Spanish print.

 

15th.—The King and his court departed rather suddenly, and in great or pretended wrath. He had demanded from Col. Hall that he and the whole of the people should take the oath of allegiance to him. To this demand Col. Hall would not listen for an instant ; angry words ensued, which ended in His Majesty and his following getting into their canoes and starting back to the Cape, with scanty leave taking.

 

The principal, if not the only cause of regret for the King's departure, was in the circumstance that he took all the Indians away with him, and in consequence deprived us of our necessary supplies of game, fish and fruit.

 

20th.—A small schooner from Balize in the Bay of Honduras, anchored this morning off the mouth of the river the owner, Mr. Bennett, having heard through the English papers of our settlement. Although bound for Carthagena, Mr. Bennett most generously offered to convey as many of the worst cases among the sick, as his vessel would hold, to Balize ; this most generous offer was thankfully accepted, and the next day the schooner departed with 57 persons.

 

On their departure I felt a peculiar depression of spirits. I called to discuss our state and prospects with Col. Hall, and while conversing with him, became suddenly seized with acute pain in my head and giddiness. I hardly know how I reached my hut. I recovered with a vague and dreamy idea of having bled myself, and of having neglected or been unable to bandage up my arm after the operation. In five or six days I regained my full consciousness, and was able to sit up in bed, but an obstinate intermittent set in, which reduced me to a skeleton. This, and the weakness caused by the excessive loss of blood, rendered me unable to get out. During the intermissions;, I was only able to sit at the window and shoot parrots, lizards, or anything eatable or uneatable, which came within shot, to sustain life in myself and in an Irish woman, one of the individuals whom I had taken in and nursed some time before. To this poor and faithful woman I owe much, as she devoted herself to my care, although she herself was weak, and still suffering from ague. In June, H. Majesty's sloop of war Redwing came to an anchor in the Roads. She had been despatched to our assistance by Gen. Codd, the superintendent at Balize. From the time of my attack, I do not remember any occurrence distinctly. I have a dim and dreamy remembrance of being carried to the beach in a hammock by the sailors, and of lying on the deck of the Redwing until her arrival in Balize. I am aware that she took off all the settlers, excepting two or three who were well enough to remain and take charge of what was left of the property at the settlement. On my arrival in Balize I was placed in lodgings with a very kind negress. During my stay I recovered some strength, so that occasionally only, I was enabled to crawl out. My mind also somewhat recovered its tone. The ague, however, was most persistent. I was as thin as a whipping post, and as yellow as a guinea. While I remained in Balize, one of the three young men who had left the Black River with some Indians in April, made his appearance in Balize. He stated that on the passage he and his two companions were seized by the Indians and thrown overboard about a mile and a half from the shore ; one sank immediately, the second swam a considerable distance before sinking, the survivor got on shore and reached Omoa, and was forwarded to Balize. As the Mosquito men were still in Balize, they were arrested, and I was carried to court to identify them. As no court having criminal jurisdiction existed in Balize, the accuser and the accused were sent in a vessel of war to Jamaica for trial.

 

Before my arrival in Balize, some of the party of six who had left the settlement on 27th April were brought to Balize. When at the entrance of the Bay of Honduras, they had staved their dory at night on a small rocky key. They saved some salt beef, but had no water ; after lingering for several days two died from thirst. They were then picked up by a Spanish turtling boat, where two more of them died. The woman was the only one who suffered little.

In September, I became so ill and weak as to be unable to rise. My recollections of what passed for some weeks were so faint, that on my recovery I could with difficulty recall any occurrences. I have a dim idea of a gentleman visiting and praying with me. I have a dim recollection of him offering me a passage to Boston, and some time after, of his heading a procession of sailors who carried me on board of a schooner in a hammock slung on an oar. The schooner touched and remained some days in Havannah, wailing for the convoy of men-of-war, as at that time the West India seas were greatly infested by pirates ; but I was too ill and weak to be moved out of my berth.

 

On my arrival in Boston I was sent on shore and placed in Quarantine. The next day, however, or the day after that, on a formal consultation I was discharged and sent up to the city.

 

I append herewith a copy of the printed circular issued by the Company :—

 

REGULATIONS OF THE POYAIS LAND OFFICE,

 

NO. 1, DoWGATE-HlLL, LONDON.

 

I.—The LANDS are sold in Square Miles, or Sections of 640 Acres ; Half-Sections of 320 Acres ; Quarter-Sections of 160 Acres ; in Eighths of 80 Acres ; and Sixteenths of 40 Acres.

 

II.—The Proprietors of Land in this Territory, pay a Feu-Duty of One Cent, of a Dollar per Acre. One Hundred Cents, make a Dollar, which is equal to about 4s. 6d. Sterling ; the Feu-Duty, therefore, does not amount to more than about a Halfpenny per Acre ; and the payment thereof is not to commence until five years after the date of the purchase. The Grants are transferable, without expense, by simple indorsation, in presence of two Witnesses ; and it is specially stipulated, that, with the exception of the foresaid Feu-Duty, the Purchaser shall be free from all and every Impost or Taxation whatsoever, unless such as shall be voluntarily and freely agreed to by the Grantees, their Heirs, or Assigns, for the benefit of the State.

 

III.—The Price of these Lands is at present Three Shillings per Acre, and on the 15th of November will be advanced to Four Shillings, and a further advance will take place soon thereafter. As it is only intended to sell a particular quantity of land at these low prices, should that quantity be sold previous to a certain period, the Price of the Lands will be considerably advanced. It may also be observed, that, should certain circumstances take place, which are in a state of progress, a much greater advance than here noticed will probably be the consequence.

 

IV.—Purchasers may secure to themselves Grants at the Price of the Day by paying a Deposit of 25 per Cent, previous to the next Advance, and the Remainder of the Purchase-Money within such time after the date of the Deposit as may be agreed upon, by which they will be entitled to receive their Grants, even though the Price in the meantime may have advanced. Those Purchasers, however, who fail to pay up the Balance at the stipulated time, may, upon application, receive a Grant of Land equal in value to the amount of their Deposit, provided the application be made within the term of Six Months from the date of the said Deposit : but if, at the expiration of this last term, no application should be made, the Deposit will then be considered forfeited. The TITLE-DEEDS may be seen, and every information obtained, by applying personally, or by Letter, (post paid) addressed to the AGENT of the Poyais Land Office, No. 1, Dowgate-Hill, LONDON.

 

The TERRITORY of POYAIS, which forms within itself a free and independent State, under the government of its own Cazique, is situated on the mountainous side of the Bay of Honduras, in North America ; is three or four days' sail from Jamaica ; thirty hours' from the British Settlement of Balize in Yucatan ; and about eight days' from New Orleans, in the United States of America.—The CLIMATE is remarkably healthy, and agrees admirably with the constitution of Europeans ; many of whom having become much debilitated by a long residence in the West Indies, have been completely restored to health by a removal for a short period to the Bay of Honduras.—The SOIL is extremely rich and fertile, bearing Three crops of Indian Corn in a Year ; and produces not only all the necessaries of life in profusion, but is also well adapted for the cultivation of all those valuable Commercial Commodities which have rendered the West Indies so important ; —such as Sugar, Coffee, Cotton, Tobacco, Cocoa, &c, &c.—The face of the Country is beautifully varied by Hill and Valley, and likewise abounds with fine Savannahs or Plains, and in Forests of the most valuable TIMBER, such as Mahogany, Cedar, Santa Maria Wood, Rose-Wood, Zebra-Wood, Pitch-Pine, and many others useful for every purpose of Husbandry, erection of Houses, Ship-building, Cabinet Ware, &c,—and the West India Markets always present a ready and profitable sale for all sorts of Lumber as well as Provisions.—Tar, Pitch, Turpentine, and Ashes, can be produced is abundance.—Dye Woods are found in great plenty, such as Fustic, Yellow Sanders, Nicaragua Wood, &c.—Indigo is indigenous, and can also be cultivated to great advantage.—A variety of Gums, Medicinal Plants, and Drugs, are plentifully dispersed all over the Country.—Horses and black Cattle are abundant, as also Deer, wild Hogs, Poultry, &c. &c.—The Rivers are numerous, and there is abundance of Streams of Water; several of the former are navigable for a considerable way into the interior of the Country, and many of them produce, by washing the Sand in fine Sieves, native Globules of pure Gold. Many Gold Mines, and those very rich, are found in the Country, which might with proper management, be wrought to great benefit.—A great variety of excellent Fish is to be met with in all the Rivers, Lagoons, and on the Shores ; Turtle is very abundant, especially the species denominated Hawksbill, which is particularly desirable on account of its Shell, so much prized in Europe, under the name of Tortoise-shell.—Fruits of every description are likewise in great plenty.

 

This Territory adjoins the Spanish American Province of Honduras and Nicaragua, from which, however, it is separated by a chain of almost inaccessible Mountains. The Spaniards, in former times, made several unsuccessful attempts to subdue the native Indians ; but since their last defeat, which happened about thirty years ago, they have never shewn any disposition to molest them. This Country is indeed so completely defended by nature, that any hostile attempts against it are impracticable. The native Inhabitants are a brave and independent Race, who esteem and are affectionately attached to the British. Most of them speak English, are considerably advanced in civilization, and their Labour can be had on very moderate terms.

 

An intelligent Gentleman, who was many years senior Naval Officer in the Bay of Honduras, &c, asserts, (and his assertion is confirmed by every person who is acquainted with, or who has written on the subject) " That this Country, taking it in all points of view, surpasses not only every part of the West Indies, but that, on account of the richness of the Soil, the luxuriance of the Woods, the great salubrity of the Air, the remarkable ezcellence of its waters and Provisions, with its almost unrivalled Harbours for Shipping with which the Shore abounds, is excelled by no Country under the influence of British Dominion."

 

1st NOVEMBER, 1822.